The Grand Narrative

Koreans, Criticism, and the Korean Language

Posted in Korean Sexuality, LGBT, New Zealand, Prostitution, Sexual Relationships, TGN in the Media by James Turnbull on August 8, 2008
( Taking too close a look at the frogs in the well? Source: unknown )

For those of you that don’t know, yours truly was briefly mentioned in an article on how Koreans handle criticism by foreigners by Bart Schaneman in The Korea Herald on Monday. It resulted in a lot of hits on the day, and even some offers of being paid to write from some other sources, so all in all pretty good for something that I originally declined to respond to. Citing his space restrictions, I thought that replies of mine to Bart’s email questions would be reduced to mere one-liners, but obviously I relented, and to his credit he did manage to get a lot of information into the article. You can see a full PDF of that here; in this post I’ll just clarify and expand upon some of the points in my own short contribution to it:

…We’re not that different

New Zealander James Turnbull runs The Grand Narrative. He calls it “An irreverent look at social issues.” Much of his work deals with Korean advertising and media as well as social commentary. In his eighth year in Korea, Turnbull teaches English in Busan.

“I find the notion that only Koreans are ‘permitted’ to speak about Korean problems simply absurd,” he said. “That isn’t to say that all foreigners’ opinions on them are equally valid, but if the roles were reversed then I’d be quite happy to hear the opinions of, say, a Korean person who had spent some time in New Zealand and who made an active effort to study and know New Zealand society and learn the language. In fact, probably more so than someone who was merely born there.

(I should really give credit to Gomushin Girl for at least the inspiration for that last point).

One thing I would add to that, albeit too egotistical sounding for me to have offered to Bart, is that I think that I’d probably be more likely to feel that way more than most New Zealanders themselves, or indeed the natives of any country. As a teenager I moved around a lot, at one point going to six different high schools in three countries in three years(!), and while it was a difficult and much resented experience at the time, it did at least mean that as an adult I’ve tended to be a bit more objective about a country’s good points and bad points than the natives. The flip side of that, though, is that to a greater or lesser extent I’ve always felt like an outsider in all of the four countries I’ve lived in, which goes some way towards explaining my newfound sympathies for the experiences and opinions of Koreans living there.

But neither that ability, nor the fact that I’ve been here for eight years automatically makes my opinions on things Korean more accurate or helpful than a newbie’s; actually, they’re just as likely to be simply more cynical and jaded instead. My point in the article then, admittedly not very subtle, is that the right to have one’s opinions about Korea to be taken seriously has to be earned, regardless of whether you’re a newbie, old-timer, or even Korean yourself. It’s true that that process takes a little more work in Korea than in many countries, but still, I wasn’t lying when I said the next:

“The majority of netizens aside, I’ve actually found a significant number of Koreans to feel much the same way about the opinions of non-Koreans.

The following though, really does suffer from lack of the example I gave to justify it, but once you read my expanded version of that below then you’ll understand why Bart left it out.

“Another advantage to using and considering Korean-language sources as much as possible is that it makes you realize how much you may stereotype and generalize Koreans yourself without being aware of it.

I wrote that because a few years ago, I realized that I was very guilty of both myself. Not despite me being a Korea studies geek; actually, probably precisely because of it.

The occasion was listening to the radio on the bus home one night in 2005. Frustrated with never getting any Korean listening or conversation practice, and being unable to find a Korean drama to watch that I didn’t find nauseating and/or wholly unrealistic, I spent my commuting time those days listening to the traffic channel on my small hand-held radio (94.9FM in Busan). Not an obvious first choice, no, but there was minimal music, and it did have a lot of interviews and talkback callers whose conservations I could usually at least get the gist of. That day, a woman from the Ministry of Health and Welfare was on, and she was explaining the numbers of HIV positive and AIDS cases in Korea and how they contracted the disease.

Naturally my ears pricked up at that, because, as we all know, not only do all Koreans think that both are “foreign diseases”, but they also believe that there are absolutely no Korean homosexuals. So how on Earth were she and the interviewer going to work around those?

( Source: neesapizza1 )

In short, they didn’t. She calmly and patiently explained the number of cases contracted from drug users, mother to foetus transmission, homosexual partners, heterosexual partners, homosexual prostitutes….and so on, in a matter-of-fact manner that indicated that there was nothing exceptional or noteworthy about the subject. Neither did the interviewer nor later callers question the figures nor get into any racist hysterics about “foreign gay contamination of Korean blood” either. What the hell was going on? It was just as sedate as any similar discussion in any Western country.

And then I realized that in fact I’d only ever read that Koreans thought like that, and I’d never actually asked a single Korean about homosexual Koreans and/or AIDs myself. That may sound strange, but then I saw no reason not to believe the books, and I can think of more appropriate free-talking topics for conversation classes.

Why did the books say that then? Well, because undoubtedly a majority of Koreans once did once think like that once, and, as this recent case of teenage prostitution illustrates, some still do, but despite that clearly most Koreans had long since moved on from whatever book on that particular aspect of Korean society I’d read was published. Hence my next and final point, and kudos to Bart for also retaining my (indirect) criticism of the very paper the article was printed in:

“Without any Korean ability, foreigners are usually forced to rely on either the limited English language media or books for the bulk of their information, and both have problems: the former for often presenting a rose-tinted version of Korea to the world, and the latter for being quickly out of date in a country as rapidly changing as Korea.”

It sounds obvious, but it took me five years to realize that, like I said probably because I’m more of a Korea studies geek/bookworm than most. But I’m glad I did, and on the plus side – although my Western and Korean friends will scoff at this – it has made me a bit more humble and circumspect in my comments and criticisms about Koreans and Koreans ever since.

(Update: Anyone further interested in the numbers of HIV and AIDS cases in South Korea, see here and here)

Share

Tagged with:

Sex, Weekend Couples and Lonely Geese Fathers: Culture or Economics?

( “The Newbies”. Source )

Originally I wasn’t going to write this post until next week, but inspired by this post over at KoreaBeat I’ve decided to go ahead with it now. In hindsight it’s probably best to so while the previous semi-related post keeps the topic fresh in readers’ minds.

Introduction

One feature of Korean society not so obvious to casual observers is the number of family members living in different cities from each other, sometimes for many years at a time. I’ve already mentioned how the lack of childcare facilities nationwide and sexist workplace practices force many parents to send their children to relatives to be looked after during the week, for instance, but in this post I want to concentrate more on the parents themselves: both those arrangements where one partner, usually the father, spends weekdays working in another city and sees the family in the weekends, and those where the father will send his whole family overseas for the sake of his children’s education. Exact figures are understandably difficult to obtain (although feel free to throw any in my direction if you have them), but I’d wager that the combination of both mean that at least one in fifteen to one in ten Korean teenagers live in different cities to their fathers most of the time, and this certainly does have knock-on effects on Koreans’ perceptions of “normal” family life and marriage as I’ll explain. But just like Koreans living at home until marriage is largely due to financial factors rather than being due to some sense of Korean tradition or filial duty, so too does this cultural difference ultimately derive from a combination of workplace culture, the education system, and economic factors that can and are slowly changing.

Probably the best online source on both groups (known as “weekend couples” and “lonely geese fathers” respectively) is the journal article by Kim Song-chul, entitled “Weekend Couples among Korean Professionals: An Ethnography of Living Apart on Weekdays” in the Winter 2001 edition of the Korea Journal. It’s a little dated, and has a glaring omission as I’ll explain, but it remains a good introduction overall. Rather than simply rehashing its contents, I’ll assume that if readers are sufficiently interested then they’ll click on the link, and so instead I’ll focus here only on those aspects that I see as crucial to understanding them (see here and here for more recent information on lonely geese fathers).

Why does Korea have so many Weekender Couples?

Korea was an overwhelmingly agricultural society until relatively recently (always something very useful to remember when trying to understand Koreans), so of course during slow seasons poor Korean farmers especially have been finding work outside of their home villages for millennia. More recently, Koreans worked as construction workers in the Middle East and as miners and nurses in Germany in the 1970s, and this is probably the source of the Korean word “a-ruh-bite” (아르바이트) for part-time work, as “arbeit” means “work” in German. But etymology aside, their numbers were negligible compared to those today. Since then, vast improvements in transport infrastructure have certainly made living apart certainly more possible and bearable, but then neither group studied here really does so for financial gain anymore. What then, what compels so many presumably loving Koreans to live apart in the first place? (source: aarontong)

Song-chul mentions that Korea is a very centralized society, and this can’t be emphasized enough. Don’t be misled by any coffee-house statistics on Seoul’s population: the Seoul Metropolitan Area is the second largest in the world, has almost 23 out of Korea’s total population of 49 million, and is a “primate city” in geographical terms, dominating the rest of the country much like Bangkok does Thailand. With so much concentration of economic wealth there, and especially of best schools and universities too (as I discuss at length here), then when the father is, say, transferred to a different city or even overseas, it is wise for the family to try to maintain a residence in Seoul if at all possible. Given the new costs of commuting and maintaining a second, studio-style accommodation for the father involved, this in turn means that weekend couples tend to be much more affluent than Koreans as a whole.

Song-chul seems to leave it at that, but in my opinion this is an insufficient push factor in itself. Now, long-term readers of the blog will be well aware of how simply, well, fucked up I view most parents’ views of education here (not to put too fine a point on it), but would those alone account for couples being prepared to live in such artificial arrangements for several years, even decades? I’ve known couples in those circumstances, and over drinks one day a female colleague in one confessed to me that seeing her boyfriend only on Sundays makes that “Sex Day”™ whether she feels like it or not. And Song-chul also mentions a female interviewee who points out that:

…on the surface weekenders’ relationships to their spouses might seem better than before. This is likely because they pretend that there are no problems and refuse to talk about them. Thus, [she] maintains, if a couple lives apart during the week, there is no way to resolve problems in their relationship, even small ones, and that may have a snowball effect.

And then there is the stress, loneliness, excessive drinking, living off junk-food and thus bouts of ill-health that single weekender men often face too. Is being in the right school zone really worth it? It’s not like only Seoul residents go to the best universities here. While spending the ages of 13-18 preparing for the largely multi-choice university-entrance exam may well be not much of an education, for all its flaws it does have the one strength of being completely meritocratic.

No, fathers do transfer when ordered and don’t quit their jobs for the sake of their married life and relationships with their children because of the length of employment and/or age-based seniority system of most Korean companies. Quit your job at the age of 40? You’ll be lucky to get a job in another company for the same wages and conditions as you had when you were 30. And given that Japan, with similar systems, also has many weekender couples, even though it is less centralized and but decidedly more expensive and difficult to travel around than Korea (and not just because of its size), then I place most of the blame squarely on this aspect of Korean work culture. But that isn’t the entire story.

Sex and Work

( Image by Camera Freak )

Somewhat impersonal and artificial notions of married life and family life are shared by Koreans to a much larger extent than the actual numbers of weekender couples and lonely goose fathers would suggest. Like I’ve mentioned, it is almost financially impossible and there are huge social stigmas against unmarried couples living together, and hence seeing each other only during weekends can be the only practical option for a couple if they live at opposite ends of a city. I’ve even known a Korean couple that lived in two cities but met in a third on weekends to avoid bumping into any relatives or family friends. But in my experience these arrangements seem to be entered into quite willingly by Koreans, whereas most Westerners, knowing that distance relationships have a reputation of failing, would only enter into them as a last resort and only if they were expected to be temporary, not lasting for years or even decades as they do here. And just like my teenage students are rather incredulous when I point out that their forced study and lack of sleep would be considered child abuse in New Zealand (5 hours sleep for a 13 year-old? You’re sure I’m exaggerating?) most Koreans seem bemused with Westerners’ opinions of this, to them, quite normal arrangement.

Again, I think Korean work culture is responsible. Koreans have a reputation overseas for working hard, but long hours should not be confused with high productivity, and in practice much of Korean employees’ time spent at work is actually spent nappiing, going off to lunch, and chatting or playing computer games. Why Koreans feel compelled to arrive at work very early and not leave until late at night after the boss does is a topic for many other posts, but the result is that many fathers virtually never see their wives and children during the week. Throw after-school institutes, six-day school and working weeks that still haven’t been fully abolished into the mix too, and probably more than 50% of Koreans have grown up in what were effectively weekender couple households. Hell, no wonder they enter into such arrangements so willingly as adults. They’re the norm.

( Image by theXenon )

Not unsurprisingly then, married Korean (and Japanese) couples seem to rarely have sex (if at all), and there is the strong stereotype (think “ajummas”) of them having gender but not sex; their divorce rate is one of the highest in the world; the Korean prostitution industry is one of the largest in the world; there are STD clinics masquerading as urology clinics simply everywhere; parents would rather send their kids to after-school institutes all night rather than spending time with them; adults seem to have an excessive, almost Freudian attachment to their mothers…I could go on, but would probably be extrapolating from the original subject just a bit too much. But although someone in this thread at Dave’s ESL Cafe thought that Korea’s recent history of arranged, originally loveless marriages was more to blame for much of the above, if popular culture is anything to go by than Koreans certainly do seem to have modern, “Western” ideals of romantic love. Surely that their married lives don’t measure up to those in practice is related to where one or both or them (or their parents) spend 12+ hours a day?

When I began this post I intended to demonstrate that these views of family life was not some inherent, unchanging part of traditional Neo-Confucianism and/or Korean culture but more because of educational and financial imperatives, and I think I have achieved that, but as I’ve written it I’ve become less and less convinced that Koreans enter into such arrangements as reluctantly as I thought. Certainly, Korean society is very rapidly changing, Koreans ultimately prove not to be as different to my largely Western readers as it’s easy to think (and a language gap exaggerates), and I’ve repeatedly emphasized on the blog that aspects of Korean society that Westerners criticize are usually just as readily criticized by Koreans too. What I really need at this stage then, is to hear from the couples themselves.

Coerced Geese?

(Articles about lonely geese fathers are usually accompanied by sad-looking, somewhat depressing cartoons, so I thought that that video would make a welcome change. Found via boingboing )

Meanwhile, I’ve concentrated on weekender couples rather than lonely geese fathers here primarily because I think that their existence says a great deal about Korean society as a whole, rather than just on the failings of the Korean education system. The latter being more unique too, there’s much more information available on them. But something I was reading about immigration to New Zealand recently made me realize that family members are often virtually encouraged by other countries’ bureaucracy and immigration rules to live in separate countries to one another just as much as by any proclivity to do so by Koreans themselves.

Consider this from the book Astronauts from Taiwan: Taiwanese Immigration to Australia and New Zealand, by Tim Beal and Farib Sos, 1999 (Scroll down to September 2000 here for a review):

Many immigrants were misled by the points systems and did not understand the autonomy of the professional bodies which regulated entry into various occupations. The points awarded by the immigration officials based on educational qualifications did not necessarily mean that they would be accepted by professional bodies. The points system placed strong emphasis on those holding qualifications in science, technology and engineering, and it was reasonably assumed by many immigrants that, because the New Zealand government assigned such a high value to professional qualifications, they would be automatically recognized in New Zealand.

Consequently, many immigrants were denied access to employment opportunities commensurate with their qualifications. This was particularly the case for doctors and dentists. This issue was not specific to Taiwanese of course, and many immigrants from other places complained that the government had given them a false impression of the New Zealand job market. The lack of recognition of their skills in New Zealand by professional bodies, combined with a lack of English skills and unfamiliarity with the New Zealand culture and business practices, resulted in unemployment and underemployment of many professional immigrants. (pp. 55-56)

( “Les Templiers”. Source )

I’ve deliberately not mentioned the various immigration policies and point systems and so forth in place then, as they’re largely irrelevant to the point I’m trying to make, and they’re rather out of date too. But my family also suffered from the above problem, albeit in Australia rather than New Zealand, and after personal and repeated assurances by the Australian Immigration Department that my father’s decades of social work qualifications and experience in the UK would be recognized too. They weren’t, and this forced my family to return to the UK after a year or so. Similarly, while Taiwanese (and Korean) “Astronaut Families” were a hot political issue in the mid-1990s in New Zealand, especially in the suburb of Auckland I lived in which had the highest numbers of them in the country, most Taiwanese originally came to New Zealand simply to make a better live for themselves and their children, and were fully prepared for the drop of income that this entailed (nobody chooses to live in NZ to make money). Not for having to say, go to medical school for seven years again. After learning of things like that, it was perfectly rational for their children to remain at school here while the parents returned to Taiwan to work and/or concentrated on their businesses there. Thereby, despite their original intentions, becoming the very astronauts so scorned by New Zealanders.

Certainly only a minority of lonely geese father arrangements would have been created through similar problems with settling in other countries, but it’s something to bear in mind. After all, it was after reading that book above that I so suddenly identified with Taiwanese (and Korean) immigrants to New Zealand and began writing this post, and having become so cynical in the writing of it it’s a good note to end on, for I fear that I may have dehumanized Korean weekend couples a little by looking at them at such an abstract level like I have. Naturally I’d like to hear from those in weekend couples or lonely geese families themselves after writing all that, but failing that I’ll see if I can find any interviews of them, preferably online.

Share

Immigration, Identity, and the Internet: Lessons from Korean-New Zealanders

Posted in New Zealand, Overseas Koreans by James Turnbull on July 1, 2008
( The Newbie, by Oliver Bucheron(?). Source )

Last week my sister passed on this article in the New Zealand Herald on the first ever conference to be held on Korean-New Zealander (“Kowi”) identity issues, and I was surprised to find (brief) mention of it at The Marmot’s Hole the next day. In my first comment to that post I unintentionally sounded quite dismissive of the conference, but it’s actually the article itself which annoyed me. Some highlights from it:

“Facing expectations of parents wanting us to retain our culture and the pressures of society to integrate leaves many of us in a confused state to our identities,” she said.

South Korean parents are most anxious to ensure their children are well-schooled, spending around $6 billion a year to send them to study abroad in countries like New Zealand – but they still disapprove when their offspring adopt Western ways.

Social worker Gus Lim, who came to Auckland in 2001, said South Koreans had a “major problem” with integration because they came from a monocultural society and were “often not used to living with people of other cultures”.

“The country was also historically influenced by Confucianism and holds a military set of ideologies, which may not be applicable in a Western society like New Zealand,” said Mr Lim, a former Catholic priest.

For example, Chinese philosopher Confucius teaches that men are superior to women, and until the late eighties women in South Korea had very few rights, he said. “In a divorce, a Korean woman does not have equal property rights even if her husband had wronged her in the marriage.

“So it can be shocking when Korean men find out how many rights and [how much] power the women have in New Zealand.”

( Source: macxoom )

Although all of those issues are undoubtedly important to Kowis when they arise, and I don’t mean to trivialize them, I do think that their mention in the article reflects New Zealanders’ stereotypes about Koreans more than anything else. In reality, the vast majority of Korean immigrants to New Zealand have been middle-class professionals simply in search of a better life for their children, and as such they’d presumably be more frustrated with Korean society, more liberal, and more prepared to integrate into their host society than the way they’re depicted above. That many haven’t is in no small part precisely because of those stereotypes, and so it’s a pity that an article about the conference is so bland and void of any meaningful content about actual Kowis, especially as they are in many ways unique amongst all overseas Korean populations.

Looking at them in more detail gives some surprising insights into Koreans as a whole, especially the practice of sending wives and families overseas for years while fathers remain in Korea to work, the fathers termed ”lonely wild goose” (외기러기) in Korea while the families as a whole are known as “astronauts” in New Zealand (and hence the cool opening picture to this post). That turns out to be less some inherent Neo-Confucian social tradition as it is forced by archaic and discriminatory rules on overseas qualifications in host countries, but as that phenomenon is strongly linked to that of “weekend couples” (주말부부) here in Korea then I’d like to discuss that in a separate, more Korea-focused post next week (update: and here it is!). In this post, I want to point out just what makes Kowis so unique, and the uncanny parallels between their lives and that of my own and probably most other Korea-based expats too.

The Unique Features of Korean Immigration to New Zealand

Because of various restrictions on emigration from Korea and immigration of Asians to New Zealand, in 1990 there were fewer than 100 Koreans in Auckland, easily the biggest city in New Zealand and where the vast majority of East Asian migrants settle (to get an idea of scale, in 2006 it had a population of 1.3 million out of New Zealand’s total of 4.2). But in the late 1980s the combination of democratization in Korea and the shift from an immigration policy that favored skills (and wealth) rather than certain nationalities meant that Koreans came in droves (Taiwanese too, but that would be too much for this post!). Emigrating to New Zealand after Korea’s economic miracle then, they tended to be young professionals seeking a better quality of life rather than for economic opportunities, although I admit it is easy to overemphasize the former given the problems with the latter (as I’ll explain in that later post). This distinguishes them from, say, Korean-Americans, who largely arrived in the US in the 1970s and 1980s, when Korea was still a rather unpleasant place to live in economically, let alone having military regimes also.

To get a sense in a glance of just how young the vast majority of Kowis are in New Zealand today, take this graph comparing the total Kowi population of 21,351 in Auckland in 2006 to Aucklanders as whole:

That was from page 11 of the Asia-New Zealand Foundation’s April 2008 Report Diverse Auckland: The Face of New Zealand in the 21st Century by Wardlow Freisan, which is downloadable here and very short and readable. As noted on page 9 of it, Koreans are the most different and youngest of all groups of Asian migrants…and what does one associate with youth and Korea? That’s right! Cyworld.

Delayed Integration

( Kiwi, by Rex Homan. Image by Spirit Wrestler Gallery )

I’ve just read head of the Wellington-based Asia Studies Institute, former resident of Korea and fellow F2-Visa holder Stephen Epstein’s chapter in Asia in the making of New Zealand (2006) entitled “Imaging the Community: Newspapers, Cyberspace and the [Non-]Construction of Korean-New Zealand Identity”, and although it’s already a little dated – as pointed out by Stephen himself – he found then that young Kowi’s internet savvy, combined with the new physical ease and relative cheapness of travel to and from Korea, has meant that new Kowi arrivals in the 1990s and 2000s take much longer than previous waves of immigrants (of any nationality) to move past the phase where much if not most of their social interaction is with friends and family back home. If indeed, they ever move past that phase at all. For instance, with the exception of the conference organizer’s site, there was no English-language website for Kowis until recently, partially both a reflection and cause of young Kowis overwhelmingly talking or internet-chatting to each other in Korean rather than English, even if they have good English skills (in turn partially a reflection of the association of the use of English with status and arrogance in Korea). In both respects this situation is quite unlike that for, say, Korean-Americans.

As Stephen points out, second generation, primarily English-speaking Koreans are only very recently coming of age and so this situation will change, but in the meantime I’d say that they are merely the most extreme case of a phenomenon that is increasingly affecting migrant’s identities worldwide. Granted, that may be a rather obvious point, albeit with more of an impact than people realize, but I think this last point (slightly edited) I made at the Marmot’s Hole is less obvious:

“Although many Kowis may disagree, in both senses I do see surprising parallels in the above with the long-term (Western) expat community in Korea, especially those married to Koreans. We also have feet in both Korea and our home countries, and a lot of assumptions are made about us by Koreans based on our different appearances, usually ones that stress rather than try to overcome differences between us. I could go on about the incredulity, disdain and mocking I’ve regularly encountered while I was learning Korean too, which was extremely demotivating, but my point is that this too is surmountable with effort. But given our circumstances and our usually bilingual partners, then it is all too easy to simply hang out with other Westerners, watch English-language TV, and chat away to relatives on the internet. Many days, Koreans seem to almost encourage this, which is I’m sure how many Asians feel of Pakeha, Maori and Pacific-Islanders in New Zealand too.”

Like I said, I don’t want to make light of Kowis’ identity issues, and as someone who’s lived in four countries, with almost a decade each spent in three of them, then I can personally vouch for the pervasive ways in which those impact one’s life, and overwhelmingly in a negative sense too. But just like the unique problems of learning Korean in Korea, say, are bizarre, frustrating, and very tiring, they are not insurmountable with effort, and ultimately the onus on dealing with identity problems is very much on the person themselves. So while having the conference at all is of course a very positive step, I do hope that the conference organizers acknowledge this tendency and so concentrate on coming up with ways of facilitating precisely that positive, self-reliant mindset, rather than a victim mentality. It’ll be interesting to see what they come up with.

P.S. For a related thread on Dave’s ESL Cafe, see here.

Share